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LEGACY OF ECONOMIC HARDSHIP, POLITICAL ABUSES STILL FELT 22 February 2007 Demand for land reforms by poor farmers led to another Huk uprising, and political turmoil continued to wreak havoc on Philippine society. Social unrest eventually led the Marcos administration to tighten security measures and increase military campaigns to quash dissenters in 1969. Marcos won re-election that year, and his new term began under great duress, as allegations of corruption began to surface. Despite the charges and his heavy-handed style of rule, Marcos enjoyed widespread popularity, largely due to his liberal spending on infrastructural improvements, social programs and beautification projects throughout the country. By his second term, however, his popularity became threatened and his position tenuous. Corruption charges and election irregularities made the administration take a defensive stance. He was increasingly seen as dishonest and unable to rein in an apparently opportunistic and deceitful system of government. An increase in population combined with economic stagnation made the situation worse, and led to rising tensions between the government and the people. Two secessionist movements took place simultaneously; one by the communist party, the People’s Liberation Army, and one by Muslim separatists in the south, the Moro National Liberation Front. Unfortunately, uprisings and strikes gave the administration an excuse to impose social restrictions. Citing political instability and threats to national security, the administration soon imposed martial law. A staged attempt to assassinate Senator Juan Ponce Enrile in September of 1972 was the catalyst for the declaration of martial law. Many opposed the move to control the country militarily and they were punished decisively by the administration. Government officials and citizens alike were taken into custody. Among the detained was a popular opposition Senator, Benigno Aquino. With his enemies out of the way, Marcos signed into effect a new constitution and exchanged the congress with a new and more favorable national assembly. Also changing the term of the presidency to six years, Marcos extended his reach of power to encircle all of Filipino society and to manipulate profits for himself and his closest supporters. He established monopolies and cartels with national resources and commodities. He controlled all outlets of power by controlling the military, using it to profit billions of dollars, and plunging the country into deep poverty. In 1977, Senator Aquino was tried and found guilty of subversion. His sentence was death, but his popularity and illness made him a difficult figure to execute. He was able to leave the country in order to seek medical treatment and to spend his time in exile in the US. In 1981, facing opposition from the Roman Catholic Church and other international groups, Marcos lifted marshal law. Amazingly, Marcos’ slick political prowess and control over the political system and popular awareness through the media, he won re-election for another six years. Three years later, Aquino came back to the Philippines. When he entered the country and alighted the plane, he was assassinated by his military escort. This act of brutality changed the course of history and began a new era for the Filipino people. Marcos controlled all aspects of life, including the press, which was by no means free to report anything that appeared to support his opposition. The country seemed to take on a deafening silence and a new form of protest was born. The people rose up against this final act of treachery. Despite a quiet media, millions showed up for Aquino’s funeral from all social groups, bringing the country together to fight for freedom and dignity. In 1985, a report by a five-member commission found 26 people guilty of the conspiracy to kill Aquino, including Marcos’ right-hand man and leader of the military, General Fabian Ver. The court, however, did not consider the report’s findings, and it seemed obvious to many informed observers that the trial was not legitimate. The Judge in the case did not find General Ver accountable, and reduced the number of conspirators to only 7 of the 26. In outrage, the People Power Revolution thus took on great steam. The nation was against him but his political machine was intact. President Marcos called for a shot-gun election in the course of a live interview with American journalist David Brinkley. In December of 1985, all co-defendants on trial for the assassination were acquitted. The very next day, the widow of Senator Aquino, Corazon Aquino, announced her bid for the presidency. Although Marcos was confident of another victory, the people’s opposition was strong. Almost overnight, ‘Cory’ Aquino became the spokesperson for a widespread revolutionary movement that cut across all factions of society, binding former enemies into friends to fight against the Marcos machine. Cory Aquino’s Vice Presidential candidate was Salvador Laurel, a long-time politician. His experience helped Cory campaign expertly. The road to victory was rocky. Allegations of vote tampering, acts of violence and coercion were widespread during the election. Overseen by COMELEC (Commission on Elections) and NAMFREL (National Movement for Free Elections), government officials, religious groups and private citizens were determined to ensure a legitimate election. In the end, these groups did their best despite 10-40 percent of voters’ names having been disqualified by election day. Votes were counted and both organizations found the other candidate the victor. In light of so much irregularity and evidence of fraud, the Catholic Church announced the election illegitimate. COMELEC counted the vote in favor of Aquino, whereas official statements being released by the press were in favor of a Marcos victory. In opposition to what seemed to be obvious manipulation, workers of COMELEC walked out of their jobs in protest. Marcos controlled the National Assembly that called the election in his favor; however, Cory Aquino refused to concede defeat. She challenged the ruling and she along with her supporters of almost one million people rallied in Manila’s Rizal Park on Saturday, February 16. They called for civil disobedience and a boycott of all Marcos-related business activity as well as a call to strike during Marcos’ intended inauguration. All of the pieces of revolution were in place. On the 19th, the US congress found the Philippine elections illegitimate, and the tide began to turn against the Marcos regime. Power began to slip from the regime’s grasp. The military was roused and joined the fight led by Defense Secretary Enrile and General Fidel Ramos. Two main military encampments that faced each other across a main arterial highway, EDSA, were unsettled. Tensions grew. By 7pm on the evening of February 22nd, Enrile, with Ramos and only several hundred soldiers called on Marcos to resign. By 11pm, Benigno Aquino’s brother, Agapito, asked the people to protect and support the rebellion via a Church-operated radio station. Before the clock struck midnight, EDSA highway was crowded with over 10,000 protestors chanting Cory Aquino’s name. Throughout the evening, hundreds of thousands more came to join the rally and by morning EDSA was completely blocked. Marcos administration officials responded by sending tanks through the streets. Despite their threats, they could not dislodge the rebellion and the tanks stopped rolling. The people would not budge. The people were unarmed and the soldiers could not get through them to the rebels amongst the many protestors. That morning, the crowds were threatened by a possible attack from the air. Instead of attacking, however, the military began to join the rebels. By 9am, the armed forces were unraveling, rebels began to take over government installations and by 11am, six rockets were fired directly into the seat of power at Malacañang Palace. The US Secretary of State George Shultz warned the Philippine Ambassador and the Marcos administration that they were heading into civil war. At the same time, President Reagan offered President Marcos and his allies political exile in the US. By the morning of the 25th, Marcos stood alone. Cory Aquino was sworn in by Associate Justice Teehankee at a Manila nightclub. Marcos also claimed a formal victory and was sworn in at a separate ceremony in the Palace, with only one foreign dignitary in attendance. That afternoon, crowds flooded the gates of the Palace and Marcos asked for American protection to leave the Palace and the country. By evening, Marcos and 120 of his supporters were evacuated by American helicopters to Clark Air Base, leaving the country by dawn. Marcos died in exile, while his notoriously extravagant wife, Imelda, still lives in Manila. Signs of their power and influence can be seen even today, as Imelda ran for the presidency in 2004. [s]
NEW ANTHOLOGY OF RIZAL'S PLAYS, POEMS, IN ORIGINAL SPANISH José Rizal was the father of the Philippine cause for independence from Spain. His poetic works show a marked interest for the improvement of the human condition and serious politicla meditations. While confined to Fort Santiago, in Manila, he penned at the end of his life his last work in verse, "My Last Farewell", which is prized for its coherent and intimate look at the human condition. Now, a new anthology, created in collaboration between New Jersey-based publisher Casavaria and Barcelona-based publisher Linkgua, a new anthology contains both of Rizal's plays and a selection of his most prized poetry. [Full Story] ABANICO: PHILIPPINE IMPRESSIONS Another current in time runs over this landscape, through the people. 'There is a different rhythm here'. This mantra greets me as I take my first breath of tropic metropolitan air. 'There is a different rhythm here'. This I hear from every quarter, from every mouth. It seems to be a national chorus, introducing me to the difference, without knowing how to describe it. 'It may take time', they tell me. I have already begun to succumb. [Keep reading] |
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